Elsevier

Cognition

Volume 26, Issue 3, August 1987, Pages 269-286
Cognition

Clauses are perceptual units for young infants*

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Abstract

Most theories of language acquisition implicitly assume that the language learner is able to arrive at a segmentation of speech into clausal units. The present studies employed a preference procedure to examine the sensitivity of 7-10-month-old infants to acoustic correlates of clausal units in English. From a recording of a mother speaking to her child, matched samples were constructed by inserting pauses either at clause boundaries or at within-clause locations. The infants oriented longer to the samples segmented at the clause boundary. A second experiment confirmed that these preferences depended on where the pauses were inserted in the samples. These findings have important implications for understanding how language is learnable. The prelinguistic infant apparently possesses the means to detect important units such as clauses, within which grammatical rules apply.

Résumé

La plupart des théories de l'acquisition du langage supposent que celui qui apprend le langage peut segmenter la parole en propositions. Dans l'étude que nous présentons, une procédure de préférence a été utilisée pour étudier si les enfants de 7–10 mois sont sensibles aux correlats acoustiques des propositions en anglais. Des exemples apparcillés ont été construits à partir de l'enrégistrement d'une mère parlant à son enfant. Des pauses ont été insérées soit aux frontières des propositions soit à l'intérieur de ces propositions. Les enfants s'orientent plus longuement vers les exemples segmentés aux frontières des propositions.

Une seconde expérience confirme que cette préférence dépend des endroits où sont insérées les pauses.

Ces résultats ont des implications importantes pour comprendre comment le langage est appris. L'enfant prelinguistique possède apparemment les moyens de détecter des unités importantes telles que les propositions à l'intérieur desquelles les règles grammaticales s'appliquent.

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  • Cited by (0)

    *

    This research was supported by NICHHD grant no. HD-15795, a SURDNA grant to Swarthmore College and funds from Haverford College and Swarthmore College. We appreciate the assistance of Anne-Marie Jusczyk, Karen Kampmeyer, Sanjaya Saxena, and Amanda Woodward at various stages of the work. We also thank Philip Kellman for spotting the alternative explanation that led to Experiment 2. Finally, our special appreciation goes to Lindy and Julia Cummiskey for supplying the speech samples.

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